Articles

The article presents the results of a study of the political and psychologica characteristics of youth political leaders as a special group in the structure of the modern Russian political class. The research sample includes more than 60 subjects corresponding to the category of ‘youth political leader’ by age and by the specifics of their career trajectory (having experience of participating in youth projects before “entering” the political class). The variability of the values of the studied features made it possible to draw conclusions about the typical characteristics of youth political leadership in modern Russia as a special phenomenon providing for the normativity of certain ideas and attitudes related to the subject’s attitude to politics, the current public agenda and the perception of their place and role in the political system. Thus, as a result of the study, a collective political and psychological profile of youth political leaders as a specific social group has been compiled.

The article focuses on the process of forming the frame of Kaliningrad region in local, Russian and foreign media. The goal was to determine the features of regional construct at different positioning levels. As a result of the frame analysis, the strengths and weaknesses of the positioning of the exclave were identified.
The author notes from the point of view of internal political framing a dangerous situation, characterized by the formation of a centrifugal tendency in regional media. In the Russian media, a special role is assigned to the federal center, which is able to protect the Kaliningrad region from possible aggression. In turn, foreign media outlets note the colossal development of the military industry in the region, which puts in the frame a high degree of militarization. The results of the study made it possible not only to theoretically generalize the features of the created constructs, but also to give recommendations to the authorities of the regional and federal levels in order to correct errors in the Kaliningrad region’s positioning strategy.

The article presents the results of a study of the communicative image of two constituent entities of the Russian Federation (Moscow and Primorsky Krai), as well as the images of their heads in the mass consciousness of residents. The results were obtained in the course of an analysis of federal and regional media, as well as a survey of citizens. The communicative image of each region was described according to the developed model by the following indicators: improving the living environment, organizing points of attraction for citizens, infrastructure; attractiveness for investments, large companies, brands; the strategic importance of the region for the State; adequate availability of jobs and employment. The same indicators were used as the basis for the developed questionnaire.
The study revealed that the subject’s communicative image is not always a key factor in the perception of its head. In the case when the communicative image of the region is built in relation to the leader, the latter experiences his positive influence, while the negative aspects of the leader’s perception do not affect the image of the region (Moscow case). In the case when the policy of forming the communicative image of the subject and its leader are not connected with each other, the regional factor practically has no effect, and the negative aspects of the leader’s perception reduce the level of attractiveness of the image of the region (the case of Primorsky Krai).

Contemporary public administration systems in Europe, including those in countries with a unitary form of government, have undergone significant changes over the past forty years. The general trend towards decentralization affects all spheres of society, from the environment and the quality of governance to economic growth and the well-being of citizens. In the countries of the European Union, decentralization takes various forms, in some cases contributing to the efficiency of the public sector, democratization and political stability, but at the same time creating serious problems in the way of reform and ensuring equal access of citizens to social benefits.
Political decentralization in unitary states is the result of complex political processes within these countries. Unitary states today are placed in such conditions when the central authorities are forced to conduct a political dialogue with regional authorities and make all sorts of compromises in order not only to prevent conflicts, but also to avoid the possible collapse of the country. The result of this dialogue is the partial transfer of some powers to the regions, which can transfer the process of decentralization of unitary states into the category of federalization and lead to a change in the form of statehood and the general political landscape when it comes to Europe as a whole.

The article is devoted to the problem of conceptualizing the concepts of “stateness” and “state sovereignty”, revealing the structure of the factors of stateness and the essence of state sovereignty. The study is based on a system-organic vision of the nature, existence and development of the state as a single and integral sociopolitical organism, and not as a state machine. It is shown that the socio-political organism of the state can be considered as an autopoietic system capable of its own reproduction.
The identification of the factors of stateness and the essence of sovereignty by the author is based on the achievements of modern researchers of the problem, on the causal methodology of Aristotelian organicism and the doctrine of the essence of Hegel, which made it possible to determine the structure and meaning of the four grounds-factors (aitions), to reveal the essence of state sovereignty. As a result, within the framework of the teleological approach, the acting, ideal, material and target factors are formulated as key aspects of statehood that determine the statics and dynamics of the existence and development of the state.
The presence of autopoietic properties of the state made it possible to propose a relational model of the socio-historical process of state life, in which three, mutually conditioned, organic functions, in a causally closed loop, cyclically provide the metabolism (self-maintenance) of state, self-restoration of stateness and selfreproduction of state power.

The article reveals the problems associated with the conceptualization of the term “populism” in the scientific community, the definition of its main characteristics, the use of populist practices in the political process, their manifestations in electoral campaigns. Particular attention is paid to the task of studying the perception and understanding of populism, the specifics of populist practices, and the peculiarities of political rhetoric during the election campaign for the State Duma of the 8th convocation on the territory of Moscow, both from the side of power and pro-government structures, and from the side of the systemic and non-systemic opposition. The article presents and analyzes the results of an expert survey conducted by the author among representatives of the professors at the leading universities in Moscow, the capital’s local government bodies, and acting political strategists.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of biopolitical approaches to the study of urban governance on the example of the works by M. Foucault, B. Latour, J. Jacobs and J. Scott, and also assesses the possibility of applying these approaches in practice. For example, the idea of M. Foucault on the relationship between the organization of the urban environment and power practices allows modeling decision-making algorithms, that makes possible to influence the forms of behavior and life of the population, including through the structure of urban space. B. Latour’s observations on the ability of scientific constructs to transform the real order of things convince us to use prescriptive models in the formation of a desirable trend for the further development of urban spaces. J. Jacobs and J. Scott pointed out the need to take into account the habitual daily routine of the population, which helps to introduce flexibility and variability into management practices. The biopolitical view allows us to bring together the three considered approaches and use them both to study the biopolitical aspect of urban governance and to implement biopolitics.

The article analyzes “discourse” as one of the key notions founding the formation of biopolitical concepts represented in M. Foucault’s and S. Žižek’s works. The main purposes of the article are determining the features of the discourse as a political and philosophical notion rooted as such because of Foucault’s research; grounding the point, according to which the conceptualization of the “biopolitics” notion is tightly linked to the development of the “discourse” notion; comparing the approaches to defining biopolitics represented in M. Foucault’s and S. Žižek’s works. The methods of the present research include historic and comparative approaches. A conceptual analysis plays an important role as well. This method helps not just in explaining the conceptions of the discourse and biopolitics, but demonstrate their natural connection in this research problematics. The article concludes that discursive nature of biopolitics as a concept developing from the second part of the XX century in the western political thought is absolutely evident. On the one hand, the discourse is a sphere of biopolitical practices, on the other hand, it is a source of their formations. This thesis is illustrated by comparing the biopolitical concepts of M. Foucault and S. Žižek. Nevertheless, being rather similar to each other, the approaches represented in the discussed authors’ works are different in terms of terminology used.

“What Is to Be Done?” is one of the most famous political novels of the 19th century. For a long time, Russian science has been dominated by the view that the novel contains a call for revolution. This article attempts to prove that the novel “What Is to Be Done?” is not a call to action, it is a reflection on possible scenarios for the development of the country. The main text of the novel is a set of behavioral models for young raznochinets. These models are designed for peaceful life in the capitalist society of autocratic Russia. But, in addition, Chernyshevsky hints at the possibility of a revolutionary scenario. If the government will refuse liberal reforms, suppresses dissent, prevent young people from building new economic relations, the answer will be a revolution.

The reign of Tsar Peter I Alekseevich is a special period in Russian history. Undoubtedly, the reforms of Peter I became the most important stage in the history of Russia. Peter the Great is one of the few Russian sovereigns who officially spoke about his political ideology, and at the legislative level presented a detailed explanation of the tasks he set for the country. The laws, written personally by Peter I or prepared with his direct participation, represented a kind of project of the future structure of the Russian state, the fundamental principles of the new establishment of all areas of life of Russian society. It is in his legislation that Peter the Great fully appears as an interesting political thinker who, based on ancient political traditions, introduced ideological innovations into the political life of the country.